Suchergebnisse

The problem area of borderland belongs to the most significant research categories in political science. The phenomenon fascinates succeeding generations of scholars from many different branches of science. It also makes a subject of wide-ranging discussions not merely within political science, which is only one of the disciplines of science taking part in the interdisciplinary scientific discourse that includes also geography, sociology, economy, culture anthropology or history. The present article attempts to present a voice in this large-scale discussion. The borderland is an object of reflection of political science due to the close relations with the category of border, independent of the accepted range of understanding of the term (broad or narrow). After all, not only is it contained in the very term itself as its root, constituting somehow its most fundamental part, but it is also a determinant of frames of supremacy of the state over the given territory, thus not as an institution of primarily political significance. The territory of Upper Silesia can safely be regarded as borderland. It is this region which makes the subject of this work, whose main goal is to answer the following questions: In what way do ethnic-national communities of the borderland represent their interests? In what way does making use of such political forms as participation of leaders of these communities in elections or their being in power locally influence their recognizance among the inhabitants of Upper Silesia? Looking for answers to the questions is possible solely through an analysis of the activity of the organizations which function in the region, as well as through an analysis of results of elections to local governments on all three levels of territorial self-government. For the needs of this article the attention has been focused on the following organizations representing individual national communities: – Silesian, i.e.: Ruch Autonomii Śląska (RAŚ), Związek Górnośląski (ZG), Związek Ludności Narodowości Śląskiej (ZLNOE); – Polish, i.e.: Związek Wypędzonych z Kresów Wschodnich RP, Polska-Wschód; – German, i.e.: Towarzystwo Społeczno-Kulturalne Niemców Województwa Śląskiego (TSKN) and organizations and election committees affiliated with TSKN. ; Visegrad Fund ; Wojciech Opioła

Comparative analysis of out-migration, based on a panel followed from 1968 to 1979, reveals substantial ethnic differentials. Part of the variation results from group compositional differences in social class and other characteristics normally related to migration, particularly age, education and local birth. Equally important, however, are indicators of social and economic bonds. These have been re-interpreted as mechanisms that promote ethnic cohesiveness. The results suggest that ethnic groups characterized by a dense network of social and economic ties do not sponsor out-migration, which has been the emphasis of many past studies of chain migration and migrant assimilation. Rather, they deter out-migration by providing alternative opportunities within the ethnic community.

Ethnic communities have been constructed over time, and they may evolve in the future. This article describes and assesses technological developments which may serve as the framework for new ethnic communities, for strengthening existing ethnic communities, or for a new type which the author calls a "virtual ethnic community." The key to these uses of telecommunications technology lies in recognizing that mass media are being replaced by targeted or "addressable" media with specialized and more homogeneous audiences. In particular, these technologies allow ethnic communities to find ways to support their diaspora and retain their culture and language. These means of persistence and governance include "deathstar" satellites with several hundred broadcast channels, e-mail, the Internet, the World Wide Web, and other devices still being created. National borders and physical distance need no longer pose barriers to regular and "dense" interactions, especially as costs come down with the spread of technology. With global coverage, variations in media exposure will occur as much within territorial states as between them, with each individual or family choosing those messages they wish to receive.

Political authority throughout the world is exercised within geographically defined areas. This principle applies not only to the approximately 150 existing nation-states, but also to their subdivisions. These subdivisions can be characterized as either unitary or federal; while only 15-20 states have federal constitutions, these include some of the largest nations of the world. A variety of explanations has been offered for territoriality as a political principle. Two conflicting challenges are now being offered to territoriality: globalism & ethnonationalism. In Europe at present, the ethnic & federal principles are sometimes seen as complementary, leading toward a United Europe of ethnic regions. The possible natural harmony of these two political approaches, or the appropriateness of federalism to ethnically diverse countries, has been a matter of considerable debate. Other approaches are possible, among them the forcible conversion of polyethnicity into monoethnicity, discriminatory regulation, communal or quota systems, unitary grants of territorial self-rule & confederal associations of unequal states. A transnational dimension in the treatment of ethnic groups also needs to be considered. W. H. Stoddard.

Emphasis is on the five major insular migrations arriving in the United States during this century: Cubans, Dominicans, Haitians, Jamaicans, and Puerto Ricans. We briefly examine the historical origins of these outflows, focusing on the role of shifting external hegemony over the region and the resulting changes in economic structure. The long relationship of the United States with its southern periphery has had the most diverse effects on these countries. In the case of the small Caribbean nations, a common pattern of U.S. hegemony interacted with very diverse colonial experiences to produce different political and economic structures. The latter have been reflected, in turn, in the character of Caribbean migration flows and the relative success of the ethnic communities that they spawned. Contrary to common stereotypes, immigrants from the island-nations of the region are not solely unskilled workers but comprise a diversified lot that includes entrepreneurs, professionals, technicians, and skilled workers as well.